Linguistics and Interjections Essay Example for Free

Linguistics and Interjections Essay In Western philosophy and linguistic theory, interjections—that is, words like oof, ouch, and bleah—have traditionally been understood to indicate emotional states. This article offers an account of interjections in Q’eqchi’ Maya that illuminates their social and discursive functions. In particular, it discusses the grammatical form of interjections, both in Q’eqchi’ and across languages, and characterizes the indexical objects and pragmatic functions of interjections in Q’eqchi’ in terms of a semiotic framework that may be generalized for other languages. With these grammatical forms, indexical objects, and pragmatic functions in hand, it details the various social and discursive ends that interjections serve in one Q’eqchi’ community, thereby shedding light on local values, norms, ontological classes, and social relations. In short, this article argues against interpretations of interjections that focus on internal emotional states by providing an account of their meanings in terms of situational, discursive, and social context. p a u l k o c k e l m a n is McKennan Post-Doctoral Fellow in Linguistic Anthropology in the Department of Anthropology at Dartmouth College (Hanover, N.H. 03755, U.S.A. [[emailprotected]]). Born in 1970, he was educated at the University of California, Santa Cruz (B.A., 1992) and the University of Chicago (M.S., 1994; Ph.D., 2002). His publications include â€Å"The Collection of Copal among the Q’eqchi’-Maya† (Research in Economic Anthropology 20:163–94), â€Å"Factive and Counterfactive Clitics in Q’eqchi’-Maya: Stance, Status, and Subjectivity,† in Papers from the Thirty-eighth Annual Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistics Society (Chicago: Linguistics Society, in press), and â€Å"The Interclausal Relations Hierarchy in Q’eqchi’ Maya† (International Journal of American Linguistics 69:25–48). The present paper was submitted 1 vi 01 and accepted 27 xii 02. 1. A longer version of this article was presented at the workshop â€Å"Semiotics: Culture in Context† at the University of Chicago in January 2001. Chris Ball, Anya Bernstein, John Lucy, and Michael Silverstein all provided very helpful commentary. This article also greatly beneï ¬ ted from suggestions made by Benjamin S. Orlove and several anonymous referees. Western philosophy and linguistic theory have traditionally considered interjections at the periphery of language and primordially related to emotion. For example, the Latin grammarian Priscian deï ¬ ned interjections as â€Å"a part of speech signifying an emotion by means of an unformed word† (Padley 1976:266). Muller (1862)  ¨ thought that interjections were at the limit of what might be called language. Sapir (1921:6–7) said that they were â€Å"the nearest of all language sounds to instinctive utterance.† Bloomï ¬ eld (1984[1933]:177) said that they â€Å"occur under a violent stimulus,† and Jakobson (1960: 354) considered them exemplars of the â€Å"purely emotive stratum of language.† While interjections are no longer considered peripheral to linguistics and are now carefully deï ¬ ned with respect to their grammatical form, their meanings remain vague and elusive. In particular, although interjections are no longer characterized pure ly in terms of emotion, they are still characterized in terms of â€Å"mental states.† For example, Wierzbicka (1992:164) characterizes interjections as â€Å"[referring] to the speaker’s current mental state or mental act.† Ameka (1992a:107) says that â€Å"from a pragmatic point of view, interjections may be deï ¬ ned as a subset of items that encode speaker attitudes and communicative intentions and are contextbound,† and Montes (1999:1289) notes that many interjections â€Å"[focus] on the internal reaction of affectedness of the speaker with respect to the referent.† Philosophers have offered similar interpretations. For example, Herder thought that interjections were the human equivalent of animal sounds, being both a â€Å"language of feeling† and a â€Å"law of nature† (1966:88), and Rousseau, pursuing the origins of language, theorized that protolanguage was â€Å"entirely interjectional† (1990:71). Indeed, such philosophers have posited a historical transition from interjections to language in which the latter allows us not only to index pain and express passion but also to denote values and exercise reason (D’Atri 1995).2 Thus interjections have been understood as a semiotic artifact of our natural origins and the most transparent index of our emotions. Such an understanding of interjections is deeply rooted in Western thought. Aristotle (1984), for example, posited a contrastive relationship between voice, proper only to humans as instantiated in language, and sound, shared by humans and animals as instantiated in cries. This contrastive relation was then compared with other analogous contrastive relations, in particular, value and pleasure/pain, polis and household, and bios (the good life, or political life proper to humans) and zoe (pure life, shared by all living things). Such a contrast is so pervasive that modern philosophers such as Agamben (1995) have devoted much of their scholarly work to the thinking out of this tradition and others built on it such as id versus ego in the Freudian paradigm. In short, the folk distinction made between interjections and language 2. D’Atri (1995:124) argues that, for Rousseau, â€Å"interjections . . . are sounds and not voices: they are passive registerings and as such do not presuppose the intervention of will, which is what characterizes human acts of speech.† Proper maps onto a larger set of distinctions in Western thought: emotion and cognition, animality and humanity, nature and culture, female and male, passion and reason, bare life and the good life, pain and value, private and public, and so on (see, e.g., Lutz 1988, Strathern 1988). In this article I avoid such abstracting and dichotomizing traps by going straight to the heart of interjections: their everyday usage in actual discourse when seen in the context of local culture and grounded in a semiotic framework. I begin by characterizing the linguistic and ethnographic context in which I carried out my research and go on to relate interjections to other linguistic forms, showing how they are both similar to and distinct from other classes of words in natural languages. Next I provide and exemplify a semiotic framework, generalizable across languages, in terms of which the indexical objects and pragmatic functions of interjections can best be characterized. Then I detail the local usage of the 12 most commonly used interjections in Q’eqchi’ and show the way in which they are tied into all things cultural: values, norms, ontological classes, social relations, and so on. I conclude by discussing the relative frequency with which the various forms and functions of interjections are used. In short, I argue against interpretations of interjections that focus on emotional states by providing an account of their meanings in terms of situational, discursive, and social context. Linguistic and Ethnographic Context While I am attempting to provide as wide a theoretical account of interjections as I can, thereby providing a metalanguage for speaking about similar sign phenomena in other languages, I am also trying to capture the grammatical niceties of Q’eqchi’ Maya and the discursive and social particularities of one Q’eqchi’-speaking village in particular. Before I begin my analysis, then, I want to sketch the linguistic and ethnographic context in which I worked. Q’eqchi’ is a language in the Kichean branch of the Mayan family, spoken by some 360,000 speakers in Guatemala (in the departments of Alta Verapaz, Izabel, and Peten) and Belize (Kaufman 1974, Stewart 1980). 3 Lin ´ guistically, Q’eqchi’ is relatively well described: scholars such as Berinstein (1985), Sedat (1955), Stewart (1980), Stoll (1896), and Chen Cao et al. (1997) have discussed its syntax, morphology, phonology, and lexicon, and I have detailed various morphosyntactic forms (encoding grammatical categories such as mood, status, evidentiality, taxis, and inalienable possession) as they intersect with sociocultural values and contextual features and as they illuminate local modes of personhood (Kockelman 3. Typologically, Q’eqchi’ is a morphologically ergative, head-marking language. In Q’eqchi’, vowel length (signaled by doubling letters) is phonemic; /k/ and /q/ are velar and uvular plosives, respectively, and /x/ and /j/ are palato-alveolar and velar fricatives, respectively. All other phonemes have their standard IPA values. 2002, 2003a, b). This article is therefore part of a larger project in which I examine how intentional and evaluative stances are encoded in natural languages and the relations that such stances bear to local modes of subjectivity. Alta Verapaz, the original center of the Q’eqchi’-speaking people who still make up the majority of its population, has had a unusual history even by Guatemalan standards. In 1537, after the Spanish crown had failed to conquer the indigenous peoples living there, the Dominican Friar Bartolome de Las Casas was permitted to  ´ pacify the area through religious methods. Having succeeded, he changed the name of the area from Tezulutlan (Land of War) to Verapaz (True Peace), and the Dominicans were granted full control over the area—the state banning secular immigration, removing all military colonies, and nullifying previous land grants. In this way, for almost 300 years the area remained an isolated enclave, relatively protected by the paternalism of the church in comparison with other parts of Guatemala (King 1974, Sapper 1985). This ended abruptly in the late 1800s, however, with the advent of coffee growing, liberal reforms, and the inï ¬â€šux of Europeans (Cambranes 1985, Wagner 1996). Divested of their land and forced to work on coffee plantations, the Q’eqchi’ began migrating north into the unpopulated lowland forests of the Peten  ´ and Belize (Adams 1965, Carter 1969, Howard 1975, Kockelman 1999, Pedroni 1991, Saa Vidal 1979, Schwartz 1990, Wilk 1991). In the past 40 years this migration has been fueled by a civil war that has ravaged the Guatemalan countryside, with the Q’eqchi’ ï ¬â€šeeing not just scarce resources and labor quotas but also their own nation’s soldiers—often forcibly conscripted speakers of other Mayan languages (Carmack 1988, IWGIA 1978, Wilson 1995). As a consequence, the past century has seen the Q’eqchi’ population spread from Alta Verapaz to the Peten and ï ¬ nally to Belize, Mexico, and even the  ´ United States. Indeed, although only the fourth largest of some 24 Mayan languages, Q’eqchi’ is thought to have the largest percentage of monolinguals, and the ethnic group is Guatemala’s fastest-growing and most geographically extensive (Kaufman 1974, Stewart 1980). The two key ethnographies of Q’eqchi’-speakers have been written by Wilk (1991) and Wilson (1995), the former treating household ecology in Belize and the latter upheavals in village life and identity at the height of the civil war in highland Guatemala during the 1980s. In addition to these monographs, there are also a number of dissertations and articles on the history (King 1974, Sapper 1985, Wagner 1996), ecology (Carter 1969, Secaira 1992, Wilson 1972), and migration (Adams 1965, Howard 1975, Pedroni 1991) of Q’eqchi’-speaking people. The data for this article are based on almost two years of ethnographic and linguistic ï ¬ eldwork among speakers of Q’eqchi’, most of it in Ch’inahab, a village of some 80 families (around 650 people) in the municipality of San Juan Chamelco, in the department of Alta Verapaz. At an altitude of approximately 2,400 m, Ch’inahab is one of the highest villages in this area, with an annual precipitation of more than 2,000 mm. It is also one of the most remote, access to the closest road requiring a three-hour hike down a steep and muddy single-track trail. Its relatively high altitude and remote location provide the perfect setting for cloud forest, and such a cloud forest provides the perfect setting for the resplendent quetzal, being home to what is thought to be the highest density of such birds in the world. Because of the existence of the quetzal and the cloud forest in which it makes its home, Ch’inahab has been the site of a successful eco-tourism project the conditions and consequences of which are detailed in my dissertation (Kockelman 2002). While the majority of villagers in Ch’inahab are monolingual speakers of Q’eqchi’, some men who have served time in the army or worked as itinerant traders speak some Spanish. All the villagers are Catholic. Ch’inahab is divided by a mountain peak with dwellings on both of its sides and in the surrounding valleys. It takes about 45 minutes to hike across the village. At one end there is a biological station kept by the eco-tourism project and used sporadically by European ecologists, and at the other there is a Catholic church and a cemetery. In the center there is a small store, a school for primary and secondary grades, and a soccer ï ¬ eld. The surrounding landscape is cloud forest giving way to scattered house sites, agricultural parcels, pasture, and ï ¬ elds now fallow. All villagers engage in corn-based, or milpa, agriculture, but very few have enough land to fulï ¬ ll all of their subsistence needs.4 For this reason, many women in the village are dedicated to chicken husbandry, most men in the village engage in seasonal labor on plantations (up to ï ¬ ve months a year in some cases), and many families engage in itinerant trade (women weaving baskets and textiles for the men to sell) and eco-tourism (the women hosting tourists and the men guiding them). Dwelling sites often contain a scattering of houses in which reside an older couple and their married sons, all of whom share a water source and a pasture. The individual families themselves often have two houses, a relatively traditional thatched-roof house in which the family cooks and sleeps and a relatively new house with a tin roof in which they host festivals and in which older children and ecotourists may sleep. Because of eco-tourism and the inï ¬â€šux of money and strangers that it brings, there has been an increase in the construction of such tin-roofed houses, and, as will be seen, many of my examples of interjections come from such construction contexts. My data on the use of interjections among villagers in Ch’inahab comes from 14 months of ï ¬ eldwork carried out between 1998 and 2001. The data collection con4. Before 1968, what is now Ch’inahab was owned by the owner of a plantation. Q’eqchi’-speakers who lived in the village of Popobaj (located to the south of and lower than Ch’inahab) were permitted to make their milpa in this area in exchange for two weeks of labor per month on the ï ¬ nca (Secaira 1992:20). Only in 1968, when a group of villagers got together to form a land acquisition committee, were some 15 caballerÄ ±as (678 ha) of land purchased from the owner  ´ for 4,200 quetzals (US$4,200). This land, while legally owned by the entire community, was divided among the original 33 villagers as a function of their original contributions.

Sarkar-Singer Hypothesis Essay -- International Trade

Sarkar-Singer Hypothesis Introduction Since terms of trade deterioration hypothesis was proposed by Prebisch and Singer in 1950, comparative advantage was doubted. Due to the export structure of developing countries (DCs) is dominated by primary products, and the export structure of industrialised countries (ICs) dominated by manufactured products; they compared primary products export of DCs and manufactured products export of ICs, and indicated that the terms of trade trend to deteriorate over time. This hypothesis is supported by many studies, such as Grilli and Yang (1998) and Spraos (1980); therefore the widening gap like existed. This hypothesis is confronted the traditional view, international trade and specialisation may not be better off. The Prebisch-Singer hypothesis also impacts on the trade policy of the majority of DCs to become inward looking. However, many studies appeal that the defected of Prebisch-Singer hypothesis, Sarkar and Singer analysis is the important appeal. Due to Singer (1958) views that the export structure of the DCs was dominated by primary products; export structure of the ICs by the manufactured products. Therefore, theearly studies use the terms of trade between primary products and manufactures as a proxy. Sarkar (1986) express that the growth of manufactured sectors, however, Singer (1987) proposes that even the change in the commodity composition of exports, the disadvantages in DCs lead the deterioration be continuous. Sarkar and Singer (1991) focuses on this subject, examines the impact of the shift in the commodity composition of exports of DCs. They proposed that the changes in commodity composition of exports are the important factor, as the primary sectors of DCs have a lower rat... ...ent, Vol. 19, No. 4, Page 333-340 Singer, H. W. (1950) The distribution of gains between investing and borrowing countries, American Economic Review, Vol. 40, No. 2, Page 473-485 Singer, H. W. (1958) Comment, Review of Economics and Statistics, Vol. 40, Page87-88 Singer, H. W. (1987) Terms of trade in John Eatwell, Murray Milgate and Peter Newman (Eds), The New Palgrave: A Dictionary of Economics, London: Macmillan, Page 626-628 Singer H. W. (1998) The Terms of Trade Fifty Years Later – Convergence and Divergence, The South Letter (30) Sproas, J. (1980) The Statistical Debate on the Net Barter Terms of Trade Between Primary Commodities and Manufactures, Economic Journal, Vol. 90, Page 107-128 United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (2005) Trade and Development Report Chapter III: Evolution of the Terms of Trade and its Impact on Developing Countries

Breakeven Analysis

BREAK EVEN ANALYSIS Break-even is the point at which a product or service stops costing money to produce and sell, and starts generating a profit for your business. This means sales have reached sufficient volume to cover the variable and fixed costs of producing and distributing your product. [Type the document subtitle] KOMAL BHILARE ROLL NO: 85 2013 DEFINITION Break Even is: †¢the sales point at which the Company neither  makes profit nor suffers loss, or   Ã¢â‚¬ ¢sales level where fixed cost are fully absorbed by or   †¢the level where contribution margin equals the fixed cost.Breakeven analysis provides data for †¢Ã‚  profit planning †¢Ã‚  policy formulating and †¢decision making Break-even analysis may be based on: †¢historical data, †¢past operations, or †¢future sales and costs, Depending on management’s need and desire. †¢The break even analyses technique is used in various  business decision making areas, as this h elp in knowing the minimum desired level to be achieved to avoid loss situation. †¢The Breakeven analysis is mostly used at the time of  investing in new project and introducing new products. The organizer of this workshop must have seen Break  even for this workshop. USE OF BREAK EVENANALYSES ?  Hospital or Hotel management would like to know sales  point in terms of number of beds/ rooms, to recover fixed cost to reach at a breakeven point. ?The school owner would be interested in knowing minimum number of students to be admitted to reach at  breakeven ?New branch of bank would need to know minimum deposits from customer ?On introduction of new products certain huge sales  promotional expenses are planned in order to achieve  planned sales. The management while deciding about approving expenditures would be interested to see cost / benefit analyses or minimum expected sales (break even) to be achieved to recover these expenses (disregarding the very ambitious sa les budgets submitted by the sales and marketing team) FORMULA A) Breakeven point of output = (fixed cost) / (contribution per unit) Where, Contribution=selling cost – variable cost Fixed cost= Contribution -profit B) Breakeven point of Sales = 1. Fixed price x SP per unit Contribution per unit 2.Fixed Cost x Total Sales Total Contribution BREAK EVEN GRAPH Uses of Breakeven Chart A breakeven chart can be used to show the effect of changes in any of the following profit factors: †¢ Volume of sales †¢ Variable expenses †¢ Fixed expenses †¢ Selling price PROFIT VOLUME RATIO (P/V RATIO) The ratio of contribution to sales is P/V ratio or C/S ratio. It is the contribution per rupee of sales and since the fixed cost remains constant in short term period, P/V ratio will also measure the rate of change of profit due to change in volume of sales.The P/V ratio may be expressed as follows: P/V ratio = Sales – Marginal cost of sales = Contribution Sales Sales = Changes in contribution = Change in profit Changes in sales Change in sales A fundamental property of marginal costing system is that P/V ratio remains constant at different levels of activity. A change in fixed cost does not affect P/V ratio. The concept of P/V ratio helps in determining the following: †¢ Breakeven point Profit at any volume of sales †¢ Sales volume required to earn a desired quantum of profit †¢ Profitability of products †¢ Processes or departments the contribution can be increased by increasing the sales price or by reduction of variable costs. MARGINAL COST A marginal cost is another term for a variable cost. The term ‘marginal cost’ is usually applied to the variable cost of a unit of product or service, whereas the term ‘variable cost’ is more commonly applied to resource costs, such as the cost of materials and labour hours.Marginal costing is a form of management accounting based on the distinction between: a. th e marginal costs of making selling goods or services, and b. fixed costs, which should be the same for a given period of time, regardless of the level of activity in the period. Suppose that a firm makes and sells a single product that has a marginal cost of ? 5 per unit and that sells for ? 9 per unit. For every additional unit of the product that is made and sold, the firm will incur an extra cost of ? 5 and receive income of ? 9. The net gain will be ? 4 per  additional unit.This net gain per unit, the difference between the sales price per unit and the marginal cost per unit, is called contribution. Contribution is a term meaning ‘making a contribution towards covering fixed costs and making a profit’. Before a firm can make a profit in any period, it must first of all cover its fixed costs. Breakeven is where total sales revenue for a period just covers fixed costs, leaving neither profit nor loss. For every unit sold in excess of the breakeven point, profit will increase by the amount of the contribution per unit LIMITATIONS OF BREAK EVEN ANALYSIS: It is best suited to the analysis of one product at a time. * It may be difficult to classify a cost as all variable or all fixed; and there may be a tendency to continue to use a break even analysis after the cost and income functions have changed. * Break-even analysis is only a supply side (i. e. costs only) analysis, as it tells you nothing about what sales are actually likely to be for the product at these various prices. * It assumes that fixed costs (FC) are constant. Although this is true in the short run, an increase in the scale of production is likely to cause fixed costs to rise.

The Trouble with Stereotyping Essay - 840 Words

The Trouble with Stereotyping The world has hit a brick wall in human development. People have created a giant system that categorizes people and groups into classes. These classes are then broken down into subdivisions for people’s placement in the world, and everyone’s eyes. Stereotyping has become so prevalent in every persons thoughts that we now base everything we do on it. We base business, home, and social life on a stereotypical view that doesn’t need to be present in life. In â€Å"Don’t Let Stereotypes Warp Your Judgments,† Robert Heilbroner states that, â€Å"Stereotyping is one way in which we ‘define’ the world in order to see it.† This statement proposes points that people don’t just see people anymore, but the†¦show more content†¦Many people who live in the United States have no college education, but are still doing quite nice, and some even making millions. This type of stereotype on knowledge is a big part of my life because I am not good at school, but I can accomplish many things such as building computers and other computer based operations. I also believe that people shouldn’t just look at a person’s education for the job, but the skills that they can do. The next stereotyping is that of the home based labeling. Parents always look upon the brother to look after the sister. This happens with my friend Brian down the street. His sister is older then he is by two years and heading off for college this year, but the parents are always yelling at Brian to take care of her and to watch out for her. The sister is easily capable of looking after herself, but parents insist and feel safer by having the brother watch out for her. Another stereotype that I have found to be very present in my life is that the oldest child in the family is always the one causing or making trouble even if it isn’t them. 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